Peni Lelei and Bible Translations at the German colonial exhibition of 1896

In 1896 the first Deutsche Kolonialausstellung, German colonial exhibition, was held in Berlin. In line with the large international exhibitions of the nineteen century, the aim of this exhibition was to showcase the economic and political power of the German empire through the products and potential of the colonies. After political unification in 1871, it had become a formal colonial power from 1884. This exhibition was to showcase the advancements made in the first decade of German colonial rule.

Missions at the Berlin Colonial exhibition (Catalogue, page 124)

Among the objects exhibited were works from the Protestant missionary groups operating in the German colonies. These included the large German missionary groups such as the Berlin Mission, the Bethel Mission, the Leipzig Mission and the mission of the Moravian Church. The exhibit also showcased the work of non-German missionary societies that worked within the German colonies, such as the Australian Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society. The British Wesleyans had worked in New Guinea since 1857, long before the colonisation of the area by European states. From 1869 the Australian Wesleyans had taken over the mission work from the British sending out three European missionaries to work amongst peoples in Neu-Pommern, Neu-Lauenburg und Neu-Mecklenburg. Or, known by their English names, New Britain, Duke of York Island and New Ireland—part of the Bismarck Archipelago that would be placed under German colonial administration from 1884, first under the auspices of the New Guinea Company and from 1891 under formal German colonial control. By 1896 there were three local pastors and 117 local helpers working in the Wesleyan circuit on the Bismarck Archipelago. (Exhibition catalogue, p. 127).[1]

The objects on display in the Protestant mission section of the Berlin colonial exhibition in 1896 were texts or images, but explicitly no ethnographical objects, as it was assumed that other groups would display such items. In the catalogue, the Berlin-based missionary enthusiast and colonial propagandist Alexander Merensky, who had worked for the Berlin Mission in Southern Africa, wrote of the contributions of the Wesleyan mission in the Bismark Archipelago:

“Two extensive lexicons and grammars in the dialects of New Pomerania and New Lauenburg, written by Mr. Rickard and Mr. Brown, testify to the diligence that the missionaries had devoted to linguistic work. In both dialects there were reading books, hymn books, catechisms, translations of the Gospels and, in the Lauenburg dialect, the first two books of Moses.”[2]

The Brown referred to was the Englishman George Brown, who had lived a rather itinerate life before becoming a missionary for the Wesleyans, first in Samoa (1860-1874), where tensions between the Wesleyans and the London Missionary Society were high, and then in the Bismarck Archipelago from June 1875. He was accompanied by his wife, children and Fijian and Samoan teachers. Amongst the LMS and the Wesleyans it was a common strategy to take converted peoples from one island group to another in order to convert the populations of further islands to Christianity. This policy was in order to save money and European lives, and it also contributed to indigenous mobilities throughout the region.[3]

According to The book of a Thousand Tongues (1938/1972), which contains a list of all known bible translations, in part or in full, we read for the Duke of York Island that the language was spoken in Duke of York Island, in the New Britain group. That the first publication was St Mark’s Gospel in 1882 at Sydney by the BFBS and was translated by George Brown, of the Australian Wesleyan Missionary Society. In 1886, St. Matthew’s Gospel with portions of the Gospel of St. Luke and St. John and the Psalms were translated by Benjamin Danks and Isaac Rooney. In the same year, 1886, the Acts was printed in Brisbane from a translation by R.H. Richard.

 

Duke of York Island translations, from The Book of a Thousand Tongues (1972), 109

The translation of St. Mark occurred before the German colonial incursion into the Bismarck Archipelago, but this was not a matter that was explicitly noted in the catalogue, nor were the names of the local contributors to the bible translation.[4] As our project has demonstrated, the translation of the bible was only possible with the help of local people, however they are often not explicitly stated in official documentation, such as the Book of a Thousand Tongues.

Yet we know that local people were involved. In the minutes of the New South Wales Auxiliary of the British and Foreign Missionary Society in Sydney from 1882, a request is noted from the Wesleyan missionary society in which they ask if the “native Pandit [Pundit] from New Britain” could be paid for his work on the translation of the Bible into the language of the Duke of York island.[5] The request was not approved by the NSW BFBS, rather was deferred to the London BFBS.

Both the historians Helen Gardner and Margaret Reeson have independently named Peni Lelei as the man who was involved with Brown in the translation of the Gospel of Mark.[6] Brown himself notes that Peni Lelei was “my best pundit, and gave me great help in the work of translation.”[7] Yet his name is not mentioned in either the 1938 or 1972 version of the Book of a Thousand Tongues. During the 1880s, the third white missionary in what would become German New Guinea was Benjamin Danks, who worked there from 1878 until 1887. In his diary entry from 27 June 1879, he lists 20 male and 6 female students that he was teaching: the first name on the list is Peni Lelei.

Peni Lelei was from the village of Molot on the Duke of York Island; he was baptized on 8 December 1878 and was raised to the position of lay preacher in April 1880.[8]  Together with Timot and George Brown, he worked on the Bible translation of the Duke of York language.[9] He died in February 1895.[10]

Tracey Banivanua Mar has noted that indigenous mobility between Pacific Islander and Australia was more frequent than commonly expressed, partly because there are only snippets of information available in the archives that point to the mobility of Indigenous peoples.[11] The same may be said for Melanesian language workers for the mission. Through his association with the mission, Peni Lelei with his wife and child departed for Sydney in January 1881 with Brown and his wife and child.[12]

The reason why Brown was recalled to Sydney was to explain his actions to the mission board, as he had led a punitive expedition in 1878 to revenge the murders of four Fijian mission teachers and pastors, including his travel companion Peni Luvu.[13] As Heinz Schütte has noted, these men were murdered and eaten by a Tolai alliance under the Big-Man Talali. The event subsequently changed the power balance in the area, alerted potential colonial administrations to the difficulties of the area and placed the assertive missionary endeavour in question.[14] The estimate of the number of people killed in the raids varies greatly, with Schütte suggesting between 90 to 100 people were killed in retribution, and Brown himself stating that not more than 10 people died.[15]  Brown was eventually exonerated for his part in the punitive expedition and despite the disciplinary actions that could have come out of the meeting for Brown, he focused on mission work using the opportunity to work on the Duke of York translation.[16] Timot, another New Britain man, had also accompanied his, as too did Itione and wife, a Samoan couple, all arriving in Sydney in February 1881.[17] Brown wrote of the events:

“As soon as we were settled I began the work of translating one of the Gospels into the Duke of York language, I was very anxious indeed that this should be done, not only for the spiritual benefit of the people to whom it would be sent, but also as recording the results of our first studies of the language. I found Peni very useful in this work. He had, fortunately, some knowledge of English, and was also remarkably quick and intelligent. It was a great joy to me when this translation of the Gospel of St. Mark, the first one which had ever been made into any of the languages or dialects of New Britain, was in the hands of the natives, and it was also a great joy to me to receive from teachers and others testimonies as to its value.”[18]

This quote speaks both to the religious aims of translation as also to the scientific use that such a translation may be put to. Although Peni Lelei died in 1895, it is possible that an image of him, with his wife and child, was displayed in Berlin in 1896 amongst the 90 images that George Brown provided for the exhibition. Brown was known as a photographer, having purchased photographic equipment from a member of a naturalist expedition in 1875.[19] His images are to be found in the Ethnographical Museum in Berlin and also in the State Library of New South Wales, where one of his extant albums includes photographs including Duke of York Island, New Britain and New Ireland (Papua New Guinea), Samoa, Fiji and Tonga. The photos from the album in Sydney date from 1875 to 1881 and thus were taken prior to the Berlin colonial exhibition. The album consists of 90 images, including number 74 of “Peni Lelei and wife, Duke of York Island”.[20]

Peni Lelei and wife, Duke of York Island, 1880

 

[1] https://ia801304.us.archive.org/1/items/deutschlandundse00deut/deutschlandundse00deut.pdf

[2] Arbeitsausschuss der Deutschen Kolonial-Ausstellung, ed., Deutschland Und Seine Kolonien Im Jahr 1896. Amtlicher Bericht Über Die Erste Deutsche Kolonial-Ausstellung (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1867).: German original: „„Von den Fleiss, denn die Missionare auf sprachliche Arbeiten verwendet hatten, zeugten zwei umfangreiche Lexika und Grammatiken in Dialekten Neu-Pommerns und Neu-Lauenburgs, verfasst von den Herren Rickard und Brown. In beiden Dialekten waren vorhanden Lesebücher, Gesangbücher, Katechismen, Uebersetzungen der Evangelien und im Lauenburger Dialekt auch die ersten beiden Bücher Mosis.“

[3] Doug Munro and Andrew Thornley, eds., The Covenant Makers. . Islander Missionaries in the Pacific (Suva, Fiji: Pacific Theological College and the Institute of Pacific Studies at the University of the South Pacific, 1996).

[4] Moore Theological College [MTC], Samuel Marsden Archives [SMA], Sydney, AU AU-MTC 204-207/1, Minutes of the New South Wales (NSW) Auxiliary of the British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS), NSW BFBS, Monthly Committee Meeting held on 19 April 1882.

[5] MTC, SMA, NSW BFBS Monthly Committee Meeting held on 19 April 1882.

[6] Helen Bethea Gardner, Gathering for God: George Brown in Oceania (Dunedin: Otago University Press, 2006). p. 84. She states that Peni Lelei from the Duke Islands, helped translate the Gospel of St. Mark. (she does not give a footnote)]; See also: Margaret Reeson, Pacific Missionary George Brown, 1835-1917. Wesleyan Methodist Church (ANU Press: Canberra, 2012),

[7]George Brown, Pioneer-missionary and explorer, an autobiography; a narrative of forty-eight years’ residence and travel in Samoa, New Britain, New Ireland, New Guinea and the Solomon Islands Brown (Hodder and Stoughton: London, 1908), 378

[8] Margaret Reeson, Pacific Missionary George Brown, 1835-1917. Wesleyan Methodist Church (ANU Press: Canberra, 2012), 129; Brown, Pioneer-missionary and explorer, 378.

[9] Margaret Reeson, Pacific Missionary George Brown, 1835-1917. Wesleyan Methodist Church (ANU Press: Canberra, 2012), 166ff.

[10] Margaret Reeson, Pacific Missionary George Brown, 1835-1917. Wesleyan Methodist Church (ANU Press: Canberra, 2012), 220; cf. Australian Methodist Missionary Review, 5 February 1895

[11] Tracey Banivanua Mar, “Shadowing Imperial Networks: Indigenous Mobility and Australia’s Pacific Past”, Australian Historical Studies 46:3 (2015), 340-355.

[12] Brown, Pioneer-missionary and explorer, 194, 406.

[13] Brown, Pioneer-missionary and explorer, 236.

[14] Schütte, Heinz. “The Six Day War of 1878 in the Bismarck Archipelago.” The Journal of Pacific History 24, no. 1 (1989): 38–53. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25168980.

[15] Schütte, Heinz. “The Six Day War of 1878 in the Bismarck Archipelago.” The Journal of Pacific History 24, no. 1 (1989): 38–53. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25168980, 43; “The Blanche Bay Massacre. REV. GEORGE BROWN’S STATEMENT”, The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (NSW) Thursday 2 June 1881 – Page 3

[16] Brown, Pioneer-missionary and explorer, 194, 406.

[17] Ibid.

[18] Ibid.

[19] Reeson, Pacific Missionary George Brown, 85.

[20] Reverend George Brown: Album of photographs including Duke of York Island, New Britain and New Ireland (Papua New Guinea), Samoa, Fiji and Tonga, ca. 1875-1881, Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales: https://archival.sl.nsw.gov.au/Details/archive/110316387

 

 

History, Reception, and Dissemination of Mother-Tongue Bibles in (post)Colonial Ghana

History, Reception, and Dissemination of Mother-Tongue Bibles in (post)Colonial Ghana

Over 50 people attended a workshop on 2 July 2024 at the Institute for Distance Learning (IDL) Amonoo-Neizer Conference Centre at Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) in Kumasi, Ghana, to discuss aspects surrounding histories, legacies and dissemination of mother-tongue Bibles. 

In Ghana, German and British Bible Societies facilitated some of the first translations of the Bible into mother tongues in the nineteenth century. As Michael Wandusim has demonstrated on his work on Ludwig Adzaklo, Ghanaian scholars have been an integral part of historical translation work, yet often overlooked in the histories of Bible translations. The GloBil project is committed to making a contribution to the decolonisation of knowledge surrounding the histories and legacies of mother-tongue Bible translations and in this spirit we—Michael Wandusim and Felicity Jensz—co-organized a workshop with our colleague Prof. J. E. T. Kuwornu-Adjaottor of the Department of Religious Studies, KNUST, in Kumasi, Ghana.  

The first session of the workshop was focused on the history of Bible translations and Bible societies, including an overview of the GloBil project (Jensz/Wandusim), the history of Bible translations in West Africa (Ekem) and the textual histories of the original Greek sources of the New Testament (Strutwolf). This session provided context into the deep historical tradition of Bible translations and transcriptions.  

In sessions dedicated to the reception and dissemination of Bible translations, a wide range of topics were covered, including the question of how mother-tongue Bibles reflect African spirituality (Afriyie), as well as specific examples of Bible translations for the Bono-Twi (Boaheng) and Dangme (Kuwornu-Adjaottor) languages. Several papers focused on mother-tongue biblical hermeneutics, including the history and focus of different directions of mother-tongue biblical hermeneutics in Ghana (Aryeh), mother-tongue biblical hermeneutics as decolonized knowledge production for social transformation (Amevenku), and the centrality of mother-tongue Bibles to the religious landscape of Ghana (Torsu). The processes behind the distribution of Bibles in Ghana today were also presented in a paper (Worae), which highlighted some of the historical processes still used today as well as some of the newer forms of Bible dissemination, including through digital means.   

The rich presentations over the day demonstrated the value of the collaborative workshop and provided insights into many aspects of mother-tongue Bibles that will be reflected in further outputs of the project, including future blogs and also publications. Of particular note was the display of mother-tongue Bibles of many Ghanian languages, some of which have historical legacies dating back to the nineteenth century. The workshop was made possible by our KNUST collaborator Prof. J. E. T. Kuwornu-Adjaottor, helped by his two assistants Peter Adams and Ernest Frimpong Junior. We were generously financed through the Internationalization Fund of the University of Münster. 

A link to the program can be found here:  

The video of the conference on YouTube can be found here:

The Establishment of German Bible Societies in the nineteenth century 

The nineteenth century has been called the century of bible societies (Risch quoted by Gundert, p. 34). In German-speaking lands alone, some 500 bible societies were established in the nineteenth century. In contrast, in the eighteenth century, there was only one bible society established in German lands, the Canstein Bible Society (Cansteinsche Bibelanstalt) (Heidenreich 2024). What then led to the proliferation of bible societies in the nineteenth century? 

Figure 1: Establishment of German Bible Societies in nineteenth century (number per year). Data from Gundert 1987.
Figure 1: Establishment of German Bible Societies in nineteenth century (number per year). Data from Gundert 1987. 

One major external influence in the establishment of German bible societies came from the British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS), established in London in 1804. At the establishment of the BFBS a circular was sent out to influential Christians, both theologians and laypeople,  in Europe to inform them of the new society, and to encourage them to establish their own bible societies. The BFBS also supplied funds to encourage and support the establishment of bible societies. Thus, already in 1804 the German Bible Society was established through a cooperation of two Bible Societies in German-speaking Basel (Switzerland) and Nuremberg (Franconia). Both of these locations were in the south, meaning that they were not in direct competition with the Canstein Bible Society in the north. Initially, the main seat of the German Bible Society was Nuremberg, however, that changed soon after as the printing was transferred to Basel. In the aftermath of the French invasion of Switzerland, the Basel Bible Society catered to a Swiss audience by publishing French-language bibles for Protestants, who had been affected by the violence. The focus on internal Swiss needs meant that the German-language need for bibles was not adequately covered to the disappointment of many.  This desire for bibles was in part a reflection of the pietist movement of the early eighteenth century that placed a focus on bible reading as well as the activities of lay people within religious communities. Moreover, the general desire for education inspired a Christian feeling of responsibility towards the poor and the growth of German religious societies. Thus, when the BFBS was established in 1804 the internal influences on religious people in German lands were such that the BFBS model was easy to replicate. However, before a reorganisation of the German Bible Society could be occur, continental Europe was at war.  

1812-1830 

With the Napoleonic Wars and the Continental Blockade (Blocus continental) from the end of 1806 to April 1814, communications between England and the continent mostly ceased. In those years, only a few bible societies were established. In 1812, Carl Friedrich Adolf Steinkopf (1773-1849), who was a German theologian and former secretary of the Christian Society (Deutsche Christentumsgesellschaft) in Basel, was able to travel back to continental Europe via Sweden. He was pastor of the Lutheran Church of the Savoy, London, which was the second oldest German-speaking church in Great Britain, being founded in 1694.Steinkopf was also a member of the BFBS as well as other religious societies. On the continent, he visited many of his former contacts in religious circles and persuaded many to establish bible societies, with the financial support of the BFBS and following the model of the BFBS system.  

When Napoleon was defeated and the blockage was raised, four men from the BFBS travelled to continental Europe to help establish Bible societies. John Patterson, Robert Pinkerton, Dr. Christian Schwabe (minister of the German Lutheran Church, Goodman’s Fields, London) and Ebenezer Henderson were very effective, with 25 bible societies established in the German states in 1814 alone. The method was to provide funds for the establishment of a bible society firstly in the large cities, then subsequently focusing on the smaller cities. The bible societies were to be ecumenical—some even included Catholics—and were encouraged to be independent societies, rather than assuming subsidiary positions with the BFBS network. Nevertheless, the BFBS was seen by many German bible societies in the early nineteenth centruy as the ‘mother’ society.  

There was a perceived need for affordable bibles in the German Confederation, as years of war and blockade had left people without access to the Bible. Added to this was an increased interest in reading the Bible, which had been encouraged by the establishment of a number of religious societies in the early nineteenth century. Despite such interest, the supply of Bibles was quite restricted. The seven larger Bible societies (Canstein, Prussian, Württemberg, Saxon, Bavarian, Schleswig-Holstein and Strassburg) usually printed or had printed their own bibles, while the smaller societies obtained their bibles from these seven or other printers. Initially, bible societies gave away up to a third of all bibles free of charge, as in the case of the Württemberg Bible Society, but by the end of the century this figure had fallen considerably, so that the vast majority of Bibles were purchased (Gundert 1987, p. 172). 

In the seven years between 1814-1820, 185 new bible societies were established in the German Confederation. The majority of these bible societies saw themselves as stemming from the BFBS. Unlike the BFBS, however, the German bible societies did not initially see their role as sponsors of foreign language translations of the bible, rather as publishes of languages of the people in their own jurisdictions. This included not only Standard High German (Hochdeutsch), but languages such Polish and Sorbian. The connections to the BFBS were strained and in many cases completely ruptured when in August 1822 the BFBS declared that they would not support the publication of any bibles which included the Apocrypha, that is, the non-canonical writings placed by Luther between the Old and New Testament. Almost all of the German, Swiss, Scandinavian and French bible societies were not prepared to follow this directive and continued to print bibles with the Apocrypha, although without financial support from the BFBS. A few German societies, including those connected to the Moravian Church, agreed to the new conditions. In 1827, the BFBS committee allowed for the New Testament, or the New Testament with Psalms, to be distributed to the bible societies for free, and many German societies took advantage of these publications. However, the majority of German bible societies wished to continue circulating bibles with the Apocrypha and thus relationships with the BFBS were tempered. This resulted in the BFBS establishing around 1830 their own branch and storehouse in Frankfurt from where continental Europe could be supplied with bibles. Such developments ensured that the German bible societies became independent of the BFBS. 

The time of more independence 

In the period between 1830 and 1848, the year of the March Revolution, over 100 further German bible societies were established. The remit of the German bible societies was predominantly the inner mission, and at times German emigrants in places such North America. The first half of the nineteenth century was also a period in which German foreign Christian missions were beginning to be established. The Danish-Halle-English mission in Tranquebar (Tharangambadi, Tamil Nadu, India) had already been established in the early eighteenth century, followed by Moravian missions from the 1730s. The early nineteenth century would see further German Protestant mission societies be established, such as the Basel mission in 1815, the Goßner mission in 1831 or the Rhenish mission from 1828. A consequence of the increased number of mission societies was that bible societies lost some of their donors, as the former were seen to confront more pressing issues in the conversion of non-Christians than were the Bible societies in their wish to spread Christianity amongst the poor. Mission societies were strongly connected with the translation of the bible into local languages. Yet when it came to the “reduction” of oral languages to written form, German missionaries and missionary societies often relied on funds from the BFBS for the publication of bibles in indigenous languages as German bible societies did not see this as their main task. By the end of the century, when Germany had its own colonies, the fact that German bible societies rarely published foreign language bibles was seen by some religious commentators of the period to be an indication of a lack of German patriotism (Richter 1899, p. 11).  A few mother-tongue bibles had been published, for example the Basel Bible Society (Basler Bibelgesellschaft) funded the publishing of the Basel Talu New Testament (China-Tibet) as well as the Ga Bible, and the Württemburg Bible Society (Württemburgische Bibelgesellschaft) supported the publishing of the Duala New Testamen, with the Bremen Bible Society supporting the publication of the Ewe Bible. But there was a belief from some people that German bible societies should do more for German missions, and thus for German colonialism. However, given that from the mid-nineteenth century German mission societies received significantly more public funding than German bible societies, there was also the pressing issue of prioritising bible versions given the limited availability of funding.  

Women’s work 

Missing from the current blog are female voices. Much of the material used for this blog is taken from the work of Wilhelm Gundert, who wrote the history of the German bible societies in the nineteenth century. Gundert’s work is one of a grand narrative and named men with there being little information on women’s work, or the contributions of non-Europeans to the translation, printing and dissemination of bibles. Partly Gundert explains these omissions due to lack of sources. There were, he states, a number of lady’s bible associations in Germany in the nineteenth century, however, there is scarcely any archival material pertaining to them (Gundert 1987, p. 233). This is in contrast, for example, to the work of British women. According to contemporary reports, there were more than 100 women selling Bibles in London in the early 1860s (Auxiliary Bible Society of New South Wales 1861, p. 5). British scholarship has  examined the role of women noting their importance for work of the BFBS (Martin 2004; Lane 2004). Compared to their British counterparts, German women were slower to obtain the franchise, or to be able to earn their own living. Their contributions to public life are also not as often reported on as in Britain. Furthermore, women’s societies and associations often had numerous functions, for example the Female Association for the Poor and Invalids (Weiblichen Verein für Armen- und Krankenpflege) in Hamburg also disseminated bibles, without the word mentioned in their title (Gundert 1987, p. 235). Unlike mission societies, where females working in foreign countries reported on their work to European audiences, thus gaining female supporters (Habermas 2017, p. 507), there were no female role models in the German bible societies. Just because nineteenth century printed sources scarcely mention female actors, this does not mean that they were not working behind the scenes to support bible societies through donations, or through selling bibles. Yet their voices are harder to find in the dominant narratives of the history of bible societies, and thus provide a strong motivation to increase focus on them in our further research.  

Sources:  

Auxiliary Bible Society of New South Wales, 1861. Empire (Sydney), Tuesday 12 February, p. 5 

Gundert, Wilhelm. 1987. Geschichte der deutschen Bibelgesellschaften im 19. Jahrhundert. Bielefeld: Luther-Verlag. 

Gundert, Wilhelm. 1987. Festschrift zur Gründung der Privilegierten Württembergischen Bibelanstalt vor 175 Jahren. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft 

Habermas, Rebekka. 2017. “Colonies in the Countryside: Doing Mission in Imperial Germany.” Journal of Social History 50, no. 3 (2017): 502–17. http://www.jstor.org/stable/45133237

Heidenreich, Sven. 2024. “The Cansteinsche Bibelanstalt: The oldest German Bible Society.” In Global Bible: British and German Bible Societies Translating Colonialism, 1800-1914, Blog post. https://globalbible.blogs.bristol.ac.uk/2024/04/19/the-cansteinsche-bibelanstalt-the-oldest-german-bible-society/ (Accessed 11 June 2024)Lane, Sarah. 2004 “Forgotten Labours: Women’s Bible Work and the BFBS.” In Stephen Batalden, Kathleen Cann and John Dean (eds). Sowing the Seed. The Cultural Impact of the British and Foreign Bible Society, 1804-2004 (Phoenix Press: Sheffield), 53-62. 

Martin, Roger. 2004. “Women and the Bible Society”, In Stephen Batalden, Kathleen Cann and John Dean (eds). Sowing the Seed. The Cultural Impact of the British and Foreign Bible Society, 1804-2004 (Phoenix Press: Sheffield), 38-52 

Richter, Paul.  1899. “Was haben die Bibelgesellschaften für die Mission geleistet?.” Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift 26: 11-31.